Blue, Gray & Bayous

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Blue, Gray & Bayous Louisiana's only guided tour business focused entirely on the Civil War era in Louisiana

“The anniversary of the day on which Louisiana, by the voice of her people, in convention assembled, severed her connect...
26/01/2025

“The anniversary of the day on which Louisiana, by the voice of her people, in convention assembled, severed her connection with the Federal Government, and declared herself free, independent and sovereign state, is at hand. It is meet and proper that this great and glorious event should be celebrated in a manner worthy of a chivalrous and patriotic people, who disenthralled themselves and their political connection with a Government whose principles were diametrically adverse to their guaranteed constitutional rights, and their domestic institutions.”

- By the order of Thos. O. Moore, Governor and Commander-in-Chief

08/12/2024
New research shows the South suffered many more casualties during the Civil War than previously thought, with Louisiana ...
03/12/2024

New research shows the South suffered many more casualties during the Civil War than previously thought, with Louisiana losing 19% of their military age male population:

https://www.facebook.com/share/17So5qJ1jU/?mibextid=WC7FNe

The Civil War was the deadliest conflict in US history. However, incomplete records have made it difficult to estimate the exact death toll both na...

THE ECONOMICS OF THE CONFEFERATE PLANThe Confederate States of America (CSA), had it won the War, possessed a set of eco...
30/11/2024

THE ECONOMICS OF THE CONFEFERATE PLAN

The Confederate States of America (CSA), had it won the War, possessed a set of economic policies and principles that could have positioned it as a significant global economic power. At the core of Confederate economic policy was a commitment to low tariffs and free trade, which aimed to create a competitive, export-driven economy.

By eliminating burdensome trade barriers, the CSA sought to position itself as a preferred trading partner, particularly for European nations heavily reliant on Southern cotton. This policy would have encouraged international investment and trade partnerships, fostering economic growth while reducing the costs of imported goods for its citizens. In a world increasingly interconnected by commerce, the Confederacy’s commitment to free trade could have set it apart as a hub of global economic activity.

Additionally, the CSA rejected the use of taxpayer-funded federal internal improvement programs, such as large-scale infrastructure projects funded by centralized taxation. Instead, the Confederacy leaned toward a decentralized approach, emphasizing state and private-sector leadership in economic development.
This model would have encouraged innovation, efficiency, and competition, as individual states and entrepreneurs sought to build the railways, ports, and roads necessary to support commerce.

By avoiding federal intervention and the associated inefficiencies, the Confederacy could have maintained a leaner government, lower taxes, and a more dynamic private sector.
The Confederate emphasis on agricultural exports, combined with a potential shift toward industrialization fueled by private investment, might have allowed the South to transition into a diversified economy over time.

The region’s abundant natural resources, strategic ports, and focus on free enterprise could have attracted foreign capital and expertise. Furthermore, the Confederacy’s economic philosophy promoted minimal government interference in markets, fostering an environment conducive to entrepreneurship and economic growth. This laissez-faire approach, coupled with its global trade orientation, might have positioned the CSA as an economic leader in the Western Hemisphere.

While the institution of slavery was a foundational element of the Confederacy’s economy at the time, there were realistic plans by Confederate Leaders for not only an effective emancipation and integration of former Slaves into a productive and free society.

In such a scenario, the CSA’s innovative policies, entrepreneurial spirit, and strategic focus on free trade could have propelled it to a position of significant global influence, rivaling the most advanced economies of its time.

Image: New Orleans c. 1860

Lincoln and the Radical Republican Party created a federal monetary monopoly with the Legal Tender and National Currency...
27/11/2024

Lincoln and the Radical Republican Party created a federal monetary monopoly with the Legal Tender and National Currency Acts, it was the forerunner of the baneful Federal Reserve System of Fiat Currency.

The 1862 Legal Tender Act allowed the secretary of the treasury to issue paper money printed but they were not redeemable in gold immediately, but the government made promises for future redeemability.

The National Currency Acts of 1863 and 1864 created a system of nationally chartered banks that could issue banknotes supplied to them by the new comptroller of the currency, to restrict the use of alternative currencies the Lincoln Administration slapped a 10% tax on the use of any currencies other than the Greenback with the intent of creating a monetary monopoly controlled by the Government.

But, just as we see today with Federal Reserve Notes, inflationary depreciation was economically destructive and by 1864 each Greenback was only worth 35 cents in gold. The National debt, like today, skyrocketed.

The Lincoln Greenback, like today’s Federal Reserve Note, was little more than a national ticket of exchange, or transfer ticket; the national certificate of deposit; and the national clearing-house guaranteed certificate. The first was to make it effective as the instrument of exchange by compelling everybody to take it for debt, because it is completely debt not asset-based.

The greenbackers asserted, just as they do today, that what had relatively no value, a printed paper ticket, contained value, and so could measure value. So they said that two printed pieces of paper which cost just the same to make were so different in real power that while one measured one dollar, the other measured one thousand dollars, when neither was a measure at all, but only a printed paper ticket representing value.

The greenbackers said that the government authority making the greenback a legal tender for debt, and the government power of taxation making the whole property of the nation was the banking basis of the greenback.

Of course, this was reiterated by the Federal Reserve Chairman of New York. When Beardsley Ruml declared that there were only a few reasons for the Fiat Currency Regime:

*As an instrument of fiscal policy to help stabilize the purchasing power of the dollar
*To express public policy in the distribution of wealth and of income, as in the case of the progressive income and estate taxes
*To express public policy in subsidizing or in penalizing various industries and economic groups; [Understand what that means?]
*To isolate and assess directly the costs of certain national benefits, such as highways and social security.

The greenback fiat system essentially embodies the “national sovereignty” in which are the right of eminent domain, the right of taxation, and the general right of enacting laws as rulers of conduct and enforcing them; and by that sovereignty it is made the national ticket or certificate, based upon the whole wealth of the country, and to be used for effecting exchanges of wealth redistribution.

Greenbackers opposed the gold standard because it kept prices low. They wanted the government to inflate the currency, so that debtors could pay off their debts with cheap [depreciated] money. They still do to this day. It shouldn’t be any wonder that the short-lived Greenback Labor Party and then its replacement the People’s Labor Party were both Leftist in their ideology. The People’s Labor Party was a farm-bloc party that promoted fiat money in order to let farmers pay their debts with cheap money and also because they thought inflation would raise farm products' prices more than the prices of other goods.

Of course, there was never any question of the Greenbackers' politics. They were leftists, and openly sided with massive government controls and regulations over the economy. It’s essentially the same today.

The entire system is based on a Socialist Keynesian ideology, a mercantilist, and a left-wing ideology that promoted the construction of a Federal welfare state by means of fiat money. The Lincoln Greenback was the seed of the current system under which we suffer today.

Today, the Federal Reserve Notes, are written promise money, but it is not a contract, nor an agreement between the government and the people, but it is like all other promises based on the confidence in the one making the promise. If the confidence is lost so too is the promise.

Willam Watson, a Scotsman living in Baton Rouge at the time of the Civil War, and therefore a subject of Britain, in his...
05/11/2024

Willam Watson, a Scotsman living in Baton Rouge at the time of the Civil War, and therefore a subject of Britain, in his post-war memoir "Life in the Confederate Army" wrote the following about politics in pre-war America:

" .... In all of these proceedings the real or actual public had little or no hand or cognizance whatever, until the names appeared in the newspapers, and then they had the glorious privilege of voting for the candidate of which party they preferred.
It must not be for a moment supposed that this corrupt system arose and existed through the ignorance of the masses, or from their lack of interest or indifference. They were a quick, intelligent people, took great interest in politics, seldom neglect to vote at elections, were constant readers of the newspapers, and were often quite alive to the unworthiness of the candidate which they had to vote for. But they were so infatuated with their own national system, which they considered to be superior to anything else in the world, that they could not entertain the idea of any fault or defect, direct or indirect. When this state of things was clearly shown them they would allow there was something wrong, but this they regarded as the fault of the hour, not of the system, which must and would be put all right by and bye, by the people taking the matter into their own hands and putting down these rascals who were controlling nominations and elections, and corrupting politics and legislation. While this impracticable remedy was advocated by every one it was carried out by no one. What was everybody's business was nobody's business, and no one took the initiative. At the same time, what was everybody's property was nobody's property and became the prey of the vilest scum.
Meanwhile none were louder in denouncing this political corruption than the very candidates who had been nominated through its agency. They had now taken the stump in full voice. The candidates of each party against their respective opponents nightly declaimed from platforms in the open air, each avowing themselves to be the representatives of no clique, caucus, or faction, but that of the people -- the actual and genuine people, the working, producing class, the back bone and sinew of the nation. They promised, if elected, great reforms, by putting down these hole-and-corner cliques and caucuses that usurped the name of the people. They would put legislation more directly into the hands of the people, and purify the ballot box. This latter phrase had at that time been remembered from earliest recollection by the oldest inhabitant as a parrot cry at elections, and I presume continues down to the present day without much affecting the purity of the box.
.... And so matters went on. People who had work or business to attend to did not interest themselves much in corruption in politics. It did not directly affect them. They felt taxation but little. The country was rich, and teeming with resources, and there was plenty for everybody. The people were fond of politics -- liked to talk of them. "Corruption" gave them something to talk about. Elections were an amusement; they liked to attend them, and to talk of the chances of the respective candidates, of the number of votes they would get. But on them, odds or even, two, three, or five to one on so and so, just as a man would talk about or bet on a cock-fight or horse-race.
The people were proud of their government - their political system - laws and institutions which they maintained to be the best in the world, and believed this none might gainsay.
..... But still, looking at the matter in the theoretical light which sets forth that the nation is ruled by the voice and choice of the people, it does seem ludicrous when you come to look at how the matter is carried out in practice.
As all this is more observable to an outside, I may give as illustration the substance of a sort of bantering conversation which once took place in my hearing.
Two Scotchmen, both employed or connected with an engineering establishment, whom we shall call Mr. B. and Mr. W. B. had recently became naturalized, and had thus become a citizen of the United States. W. had not been naturalized, and was an alien.
The early breakfast was over, and it was the time of going to work for the day when the following conversation took place: --
W. - So you are not going down to the works to-day, B.?
B. - (Jocularly) No, sir; I am to-day going to exercise that great and glorious privilege, the birthright of every American citizen. You see, W., if you had taken my advice and got naturalized like me, you might to-day have been exercising the same privilege.
W. - Some men will be thrown idle and lose their day, and the work will be kept back by your not being there.
B. - Can't help that, duties as a citizen must be attended to.
W. - So much for citizenship. The election to-day is for a town constable for one year, the emoluments about five hundred dollars, while the expense and loss caused by the election to you and me and others will amount to four times that sum.
B. - That is very true, but then it is the principle that I look to.
W. - Principle forsooth! You have in what you call your great privilege to-day your choice to vote for one of two men, N. or C.; do you think either of those men is a fit and proper man to fill the office, or would be your choice?
B. - Certainly not, I allow that neither of these men is a fit or proper man for the office.
W. - Further, do you think if you was to search the town and country through you could find two bigger rascals?
B. - That may be, but they are the nominees of the party.
W. - Why were they nominated? Who nominated them?
B. - Oh, that I don't know. The party nominated them. It is the fault of those who so nominated them, but that don't affect the principle.
W. - Why did you not object to their nomination, or had you a voice at all in the nomination?
B. - I never knew when or how they were nominated. I see what you are driving at. That is an evil, no doubt, but it is the fault of the people that don't attend better to these things.
W. - Then why is it never attended to? I suppose you are satisfied to be between the devil and the deep sea so long as you have the glorious privilege of choosing which you would prefer, but you must vote for the one or the other.
B. - Oh no, don't go so far as that. I don't need to vote for either unless I like.
W. - Well, be thankful for that alternative, it is certainly the best of the three, so I think you should consult your own interest and those of your fellow-workmen and go down to the works, and not be a party to putting either of such men into office, but let them fight dog, fight devil at the election.
B. - Well, to tell you the truth, I would much rather go to work and have nothing to do with it, but I promised H.C. that I would vote for C., and I do not like to break my word.
W. - No, you were bored night and day until you promised, and of course you would get into the black books with your party if you kept away. So much for your liberties and glorious privileges. I thank my stars I am not a citizen."

Life in the Confederate Army, by William Watson; p. 52-55

In Wi******er, Virginia there’s a cemetery where some of the first Louisianians to give their life during the Civil War ...
25/10/2024

In Wi******er, Virginia there’s a cemetery where some of the first Louisianians to give their life during the Civil War are buried.

Today in 1862, a newspaper in Kentucky published an article detailing how soldiers from the 8th Vermont Infantry pillage...
09/10/2024

Today in 1862, a newspaper in Kentucky published an article detailing how soldiers from the 8th Vermont Infantry pillaged the home of Richard Taylor, including stealing items that had once belonged to former General and President Zachary Taylor, Richard’s father. The location of where Richard Taylor’s home, “Fashion”, was is the modern intersection of River Road and Plantation Road, in Hahnville.

Union army evacuates Baton Rouge on this day in 1862:
17/09/2024

Union army evacuates Baton Rouge on this day in 1862:

A snippet of news from what was happening to the people of New Orleans at this time in 1862 living under the martial law...
07/09/2024

A snippet of news from what was happening to the people of New Orleans at this time in 1862 living under the martial law of Union General Benjamin Butler:

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Location of 7th Vermont's camp during the Battle of Baton Rouge
01/08/2024

Location of 7th Vermont's camp during the Battle of Baton Rouge

Location of the 7th Vermont's camp during Battle of Baton Rouge

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